Most Pakistani historians are not intellectually honest while dealing with this issue. On the surface it was a simple issue, ie how were the different provinces to be represented in the parliament. The Bengalis who were about 54% of the total population (with at least theoretically 44 seats in the First Constituent Assembly out of a total of 79 seats)7 but had been sidelined from leading the Muslims by the Hindustani Muslims because of backwardness in education now rightfully demanded that representation in parliament should be according to population. The simple reason for delay in constitution making and one which is evaded by most non- Bengali historians was the fact that all non-Bengali leaders including Liaquat and almost all leaders from Punjab were not willing to grant the Bengalis their natural right ie representation in the parliament as per population! The Punjabis who were just 20% of the population (22 out of 79 seats) were the second most dominant group in the period 1947-51 following the Hindustani Muslims who dominated political power because of Liaquat's Prime Ministership and by virtue of representation in the civil service. Both these groups ie the Hindustani Muslims and Punjabi Muslims were not in favour of giving Bengalis their representation as per population. They despised the Bengalis and looked upon them as inferior species. The reason for this attitude was the fact that there were very few Bengalis in the civil service and the army and the Hindustani and Punjabi Muslims were convinced that they by virtue of more education, greater representation in civil service and the army and in the Muslim League were the natural leaders of Pakistan. A new and most unfortunate exercise was started to exclude the Bengali Muslims from the higher corridors of power. The West Pakistani politicians led by Punjabi politicians now started demanding weightage for the west wing and refused to accept the just Bengali demand for representation in parliament as per population. Liaquat was also a party to this since he made no resolute effort to arive at a constitutional formula settling the issue of representation. Instead the West Wing politicians created a smoke screen around the core issue of representation by talking about the Islamic character of the new state! Thus religion was again brought in as a cheap slogan in order to evade basic issues. The failure for constitution making can be squarely placed on the shoulders of Liaquat who did nothing to prod all West Pakistani members into arriving at a formula deciding the issue of representation during the period 1947-51. There is no doubt that the Punjabi Muslim leaders were most keen to sideline Liaquat, and Ghulam Mohammad their principle spokesman in Liaquat's cabinet played as keen a role in sabotaging the constituent assembly's efforts to arrive at constitution formula of provincial representation as Liaquat. But it was Liaquat's failure in not being able to be ruthless in dealing with all the members of the Constitutuent Assembly who were taking an unjust stand over allowing the Bengalis their simple constitutional right of having representation as per population. This attitude was an unfortunate continuation of the pre-1947 rhetoric about fear of Hindu domination and proves that the bourgeois class and the feudals who were the mainstay of Muslim League were fighting a battle for the preservation of their class interests rather than that of the Indian Muslims. The same people now wanted safeguards against Bengali Muslim domination in the constititution of Pakistan. SO WHERE WAS ISLAM NOW AND WHAT WAS THE AIM OF PAKISTAN?