The book contains a critical examination of Uganda's political/constitutional design. Basing on sound constitutional philosophy, the author unearths serious flaws in Uganda's Constitution that need urgent fixing if Uganda is to be a democracy correctly called. The book's arguments are partly derived from the philosophy of the nature of man-therefore, the nature of all leaders, which is that all men are selfish beings who always pursue their interests, and that the inescapable selfish nature inevitably drives leaders to abuse power, in the pursuit of their selfish ends if not properly constrained. The book swirls around the argument that all political leaders are capable of tyranny and that only a properly designed constitution can constrain them to the benefit of the people they lead. As such, the author observes that Uganda's constitution contains gaps that procure tyrants. In the book, you will discover that a poor constitutional design like that of Uganda, converts even the most benevolent pope into the most ruthless tyrant. The book contains the following discussions: 1.Uganda's Constitution creates a majoritarian system, which usually benefits a dominant party player especially if he or she doubles as president, which is in turn a danger to the health of a republic. 2. Checks and balances in Uganda are disordered. The relationship among the three arms of government is not collegial/equal, whereas it is supposed to be. Instead, it's hierarchical with the executive at the summit because of untempered/unbridled party politics, which inevitably results and has resulted in an imperial, tyrannical presidency whose will cannot be contradicted. 3. subsequently, the legislature is rendered incapable of checking the excesses of the executive. Instead, it's structured to be complicit in creating an air of tyranny, enslavement of the people, the abuse of basic freedoms; speech, movement, assembly, among others-through the abuse of its legislative power. The restrictions of the freedoms expropriates the power of the people to hold the government to account, renders Article 1 of the constitution inoperable/meaningless, and negates the republican status of Uganda. 4. The judiciary in Uganda is illegitimate, not independent, and unaccountable. The executive and parliament have no philosophical basis to constitute the judicial arm. Therefore, from a democratic and a philosophical point of view, the judiciary in Uganda is a fraud. 5. Philosophically, the immunity of an incumbent president from prosecution is also a fraud. It's based on obsolete constitutional logic, namely, sovereign immunity. Presidential immunity also breeds a god-complex and cultism in a president and may turn them into tyrants with longevity. The author explains how the current constitution facilitates that. 6. Should a vice president be appointed or elected? In the book, the author argues, it makes democratic sense to subject him/her to the consent of the people if he/she must be Uganda's number two. The current arrangement in which an appointed vice president is number two in the hierarchy of government and the republic, is also a constitutional fraud. 7. Term [and age] limits are sacrosanct in a functional republic. Do leaders loose enthusiasm to serve with longevity? Do they become complacent? Do they ran out of ideas with longevity? Do they become cavalier, arrogant, and incompetent with longevity? How does the absence of presidential term/age limits affect/ promote the health of a republic? Various reasons for and against are given, and a considered verdict made in the book. 8. Universal suffrage is based on faulty constitutional analysis, and procures incompetent and unworthy leaders, if the right to elect is given to a predominantly incompetent, ignorant population. Not everyone should elect everyone! Other topics including civil-military relations free and fair elections, corruption in Uganda are also examined.
About the Author: The author is a political scientist. He studied International Relations and Diplomacy, and has a keen in interest in research.